Peerzada Arshad Hamid

Srinagar

The imposition of emergency measures on Pakistan by its President and military dictator Gen. Pervez Musharraf is going to intensify the movement of lawyers rallying behind sacked Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chowdary.

There are indications that this growing defiance from the men in black will bring major changes on the political scene of Pakistan that has been struggling between the civilian and military regimes.

Pakistan that saw its political history shaping between civilian and military governments post 1947 has failed to emerge as democratic state or a permanent military dictatorship. The authoritarian approach – of suspending country’s constitution on the pretext of interference from judiciary and rising Islamic extremism – adopted by Mushraf can never be justified in a democratic set up. Howsoever the tall claims despotic general will make .

Actions taken by Mushraf in the garb of imposing emergency seem to benefit Mushraf more than his country-Pakistan, struggling hard to come on rails. Since for quite some time he has been at the loggerheads with the judiciary and the independent media, such a harsh act could have never materialized unless by suspending constitution.

For imposing emergency Mushraf argues that levels of violence have gone unprecedented from Islamist extremists but it became clear that his main target was the judiciary in the country. His accusations to judiciary of interfering in government policy and weakening the “struggle against terrorism” became a reason for the general to put a check on its powers that seemed to be an irritant for the despot for long.

Looking into the genesis of violence in Pakistan, since he assumed the power, it is clear that extremism has grown up more because of his wrong policies and misadventures in dealing with the mullah’s. The recent bloodshed at red Mosque can be seen as one of examples.

Rounding up opposition politicians and muzzling the growing defiant voices, taking all but state television off air is going to aggravate the problem and plunge military general into whirlpool of crisis both at local and international level. Political Analysts view the emergency measures by Mushraf as his gimmick to postpone his political demise.

Musharraf’s act has posed a question mark on his re-election last month by the current parliament, dominated by his ruling party. Since the vote was challenged, the Supreme Court was about to deliver a verdict on his legality, whether he could run for president while still serving as army chief before his current term expires Nov. 15. But it became ample clear that general was sure that court will deliver contrary to his wishes.  

“Under no circumstances he would have been able to sack reinstated Chief Justice of Supreme Court, Iftikhar Chowdary and blacked out the independent media that refused to support him. So emergency idea proved to be a handy one

“Since Court was to deliver its verdict soon, so he thought it a way out to avoid uncertainty,” says Masood Ali, a scholar at department of Political Science in university of Kashmir. Ali is studying the changing trends in politics in the SAARC nations with focus on India and Pakistan. 

Addressing the nation soon after Emergency , Mushraf Musharraf criticized the court for failing to validate his re-election and for punishing government officers, including police. He even went to the extent of accusing judiciary supporting the terrorism. Musharraf claimed that the court had ordered release of 61 terrorists.

Boasting about the democracy and projecting himself as the moderate politician of Pakistan, this is second time Musharraf is using army to take entire nation hostage. Earlier in 1999 to seize power he led a coup to topple the democratic government. After that he became a close ally of the United States post Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, to avoid any criticism from US.

However Mushraf’s Western allies seem to be unimpressed by his actions, to whom he made frantic appeals to understand the criticality of the situation in and around Pakistan and appeals for patience. However the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the declaration of emergency rule was "highly regrettable" and called upon Pakistan to have free and fair elections.

But both governments still see Gen Musharraf as their best bet for tackling extremism in Pakistan, and observers say this is unlikely to change at present.

Of late Mushraf has been able to strike a deal with Benazir Bhutto, his long-time rival, by signing an amnesty clearing her of corruption charges. The western powers were said to be instrumental in getting the deal signed between the former prime minister and Mushraf as elections were scheduled the next year. Mushraf was to benefit from the expected power sharing. But Bhutto’s return that could have been projected as the step towards restoration of democratic process was clouded by Nawiz Sherif’s episode. Despite Supreme court directivities favouring him, he was not allowed to stay in Pakistan and return to Saudia Arabia after unsuccessfully trying to return from seven years exile.

However the Supreme Court was going to rule on whether that amnesty granted to Bhutto was legal.

Mushraf’s actions were increasingly going against the spirit of Judiciary.

His term as the army chief technically expired in August 2003 when he reached retirement age, but a special act of parliament allowed him to carry on as both president and army chief until 15 November 2007.

He has been exploring different options to retain both offices for another term, but none of them are likely to stand up in a court of law.

Last March, by suspending the country's chief justice he inadvertently sparked a countrywide protest movement by lawyers, civil society groups and the opposition parties.

His moral standing suffered a major setback when the Supreme Court, in a popular move, reinstated the chief justice in July.

Since the Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and eight other judges refuse to endorse the emergency order and declare it unconstitutional, the stiff opposition from the lawyers simply seem to intensifying day by day.

Meanwhile, resentment is brewing among the judges of the higher judiciary. More than 60 judges, out of a total of 97, have declined to take oath under the new Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO).

“Last time their efforts have paid off and that is the main spirit that keeps them going on. This time there are more chances for their win,’ said an Ali, keeping an eye on crisis in Pakistan.

With support by civil rights groups and political parties, the lawyers movement is instrumental in isolating and denting the credibility of Gen Musharraf', whose countdown seems to have started.

Now in the ongoing battle Mushraf is all alone and his rivals are united in seeing him out of office. Bhutto declared the imposition of emergency as ``blackest day'' in Pakistan's history. She is all set to come on roads against the Mushraf. On the other hand Nawaz Sharif has urged Pakistanis to rise against Musharraf.

In light of the ongoing political uncertainty, the  crucial parliamentary elections meant to restore civilian rule, due by January 2008 are likely to be deferred and Iftikhar Chowdary and faces from community of lawyers are likely to shoot in limelight in the political arena of Pakistan politics.