When Ghulam Nabi Azad took over as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir on November 2, 2005, it marked the comeback of Congress rule in state after a gap of 30 long years.

After Azad took over the coveted post as part of power sharing agreement with Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) — a regional party — everyone viewed the development as a temporary one. Speculations were rife that Congress will not be able to complete its term.

First Congress party was carrying a heavy baggage and the man heading congress chariot was an 'outsider', who did not belonged to valley. Secondly it was believed that Mufti led PDP would not allow the Congress to complete its term for its own gains.

Today when Azad is about to complete his term in office braving all such pressures, he has earned title more as New Delhi's envoy in Kashmir rather than an autonomous chief minister of state.

Congress party in state has always been seen with suspicion .They have the allegations of committing serious political blunders and 'betrayals'. Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru's promise to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir,  arrest of Kashmir's towering leader, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in 1953, midnight dismissal of Farooq Abdullah's government in 1984. etc. People in Kashmir see their alienation with centre because of wrong policies of Congress party than anything else.

Wearing the crown of thorns and treading a sticky path, Azad despite having limited grassroots experience in the state, emerged as a leader par excellence in building party's image. Under Azad Congress has gained the support base in valley and his efforts have managed to rebuild the party base in Kashmir.

Contrary to Mufti's slogans 'peace with dignity' and 'ballot not bullet', Azad picked up from the national politics his priority to lure the people and became loquacious about development, good governance and a 'fight against corruption'.

He even shunned playing regional politics and policy of doublespeak, a typical Farooq Abdullah and Mufti Sayeed experiment.

His administrative transparency and eradication of corruption slogans seemingly worked well to won the accolades from common man across the state, but it hit a rough weather while dealing with ministers and people holding key positions.

Azad failed to set precedence by taking action against ministers indicted in multi-crore forest scam. Initially he stripped Forest Minister Qazi Afzal following inputs about his involvement in the scam but had to give up under the pressure from coalition partner and central congress to save the coalition government from breaking apart. Even the much hyped Kundal Committee report indicted two ministers and some bureaucrats but his government has failed to initiate action against them.

Graft charges on one of his cabinet minister's and Pradesh Congress Chief, Peerzada Mohammed Sayeed proved to be another setback to Azad's fight against corruption. Though he persuaded Peerzada to resign from both the posts but his presence in the party is going to haunt him in the time to come.

As if it was not enough, a petition was filed in state high court challenging Azad's integrity. He is being accused of passing orders to benefit his relations.

Initial years saw Azad taking J&K on the development track by introducing three major pieces of legislation — an anti-defection law, the restriction of the size of the council of ministers to 24 in order to reduce the burden on the state exchequer and a demonstrable commitment to probity at the highest level.

The state became first in country to amend the Prevention of Corruption Act to empower State Vigilance Organisation (SVO) to take over properties of public servants that are disproportionate to known sources of income.

As per details so far properties of nine public servants valued at Rs 3.48 crore has been attached under the amended act. 38 more cases stand registered against tainted officers for possessing disproportionate assets.

A total of 147 corruption cases were registered since November 2005 and only 4 per cent of them were not were not proved.

From 2002 to 2005, 165 cases were registered, 93 challaned and 27 per cent not proved.

Compared to it from 1996 to 2002, a total of 786 corruption cases were registered out of which 237 were challaned and 66 per cent cases were not proved.

After coalition government took over 146 public servants were caught red handed while accepting bribe until 2007.

However Azad's fight against corruption lost heat after the coalition partner, PDP said that the process is not fair. State's Finance Minister, Tariq Hamid Karra blamed SVO sleuths for acting chiefly against the officials belonging to the Valley and not applying the same yardstick to those officials from the Jammu region. 

Ironically Azad saw himself entangled in the war against corruption. In the list of most corrupt states in country, Jammu and Kashmir has been ranked as number 2 by Berlin- based anti-corruption watch dog, Transparency International. Bihar was named number one in the survey.

On developmental front Azad's tenure saw creation of eight new districts, sanction of more colleges and implementation of historic Roshni scheme. As per data 2.54 lakh applicants are expected to get benefit from this scheme. The scheme is aimed to regularize unauthorisedly occupied land holdings across the state. Implementation of the amended Roshni scheme was seen as another revolutionary step in the state's history after the Land to Tillers Act of 1950.

Though party is going to blow the trumpet over the development works but situation on ground is not that goody. Its experimentation of executing construction works in double and triple shifts proved rhetoric. Development is yet to move beyond the customary foundation stones and banners.

Chief Minister himself admitted that state had received Rs 5000 crore for various projects but managed to spent only Rs 100 crore until 2008.

The newly created districts are yet to get the infrastructure and granting colleges at new places have caught government on wrong foot. The government had to face severe criticism for politicizing education.

As chief minister, Azad lacked the authority to shape the New Delhi's Kashmir policy, a feat enjoyed to hilt by his predecessor Mufti Mohammed Sayeed. His inability to go up with his decisions often face obstruction from party high command. His decisions were shaped by the part high command in New Delhi and he never acted as an autonomous chief minister.

His opposition to demilitarization demand of PDP promoted him a man close to New Delhi than to Kashmir.

For congress it was a lack of development, growing unemployment, widespread corruption and rigging in elections that had caused the rise of militancy in Kashmir.  Azad too could not think different and therefore remained from initiating any major peace initiative between separatists or with Pakistan.

His inactiveness to pursue peace initiatives deflated the balloon of much publicized dream bus over Srinagar-Muzaffarabad road link, for people's movement. This Kashmir centric confidence building measure (CBM) proved to be mere eyewash following bureaucratic procedures involved in it.

Though official figures clearly indicate a sharp decrease in violence related incidents during Azad's tenure, officials see decline as a result internal crisis in Pakistan, shift in its Kashmir policy and waning of militancy in state.

In run up to the elections compared to Congress, it is PDP that appears to be the biggest loser in the coalition. Though congress ministers have allegations of their involvement in sex scandal and corruption so far no one has left the party. Though there is some internal bickering going on but party sources say that Azad has given clear instructions to all the leaders not to go public with it.

Within PDP, its rebel leader Ghulam Hassan Mir is once gain up in arms against the party leadership and is likely to join a third front.

Mir is reported to be in touch with Sarfaraz Khan, MLA Beerwah and Ghulam Hassan Khan, MLA Shopian to take on PDP in coming elections. Analysts say that PDP will suffer heavily. Mir is also enjoying proximity with son of assassinated PDP leader and MLA Sangrama Shoaib Lone.

After Azad took over the reins, PDP patron doubted Baig and unceremoniously recalled him from the cabinet in 2006 as he was seen too close to new chief minister.

Analysts saw that PDP will suffer anti-incumbency factor compared to Congress for it had heightened the aspirations of the people.

Leaving aside the criticism, Azad's efforts have helped a lot in revamping the congress structure in Kashmir. The party got a face lift. But with Saifudin Soz assuming the centre stage, insiders say that congress leaders from valley enjoy close proximity with Soz compared to Azad and are likely to promote Soz as Chief ministerial candidate for the party incase it comes out victorious.