In the fifth phase of a staggered seven-phase- election process,
thousands of people queued up outside polling stations amid stringent
security arrangements and chilling cold to vote in 16 constituencies
across Jammu and Kashmir. A total of 63 per cent turnout was recorded in this phase, government officials said.
The polling which began on Wednesday morning, will decide the
electoral fortunes of 271 candidates, including two former chief
ministers -- Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and Ghulam Nabi Azad.
Mufti Sayeed of the People's Democratic Party is fighting from
Anantnag, while as Ghulam Nabi Azad of the Congress is seeking
re-election from Bhaderwah in Doda district.
Brisk polling was recorded across all the polling stations and no
affect of boycott was felt despite the boycott call from separatists.
At places like Anantnag, Bijbehara, Dooru, Pahalgam, Kulgam, Qazigund
and some other areas people were seen in the queues outside polling
booths since morning.
The voter turn-out was low this morning due to chilly conditions
however it picked up soon after.  As per officials 1,268 polling
booths were set up for the connivance of 11.65 lakh eligible voters to
cast their franchise.
"We are casting our votes so that development is carried out in our
constituency and employment avenues are generated," said Muzaffar
Ahamd, a voter at Kulgam.
Like the earlier five rounds of polls for the legislative assembly an
undeclared curfew was clamped in Srinagar and major towns which were
not going to polls Wednesday to prevent the separatist rally. The
proactive coordination committee - an amalgam of trade unions,
separatists, businessmen, lawyers, etc - that came into existence
during the Amarnath land row and spearheading the election boycott had
appealed to people to march towards the districts where polling was
being held.
The main contest in south Kashmir is between the National Conference
and the PDP, though other parties like Indian National Congress, the
Panthers Party, the Samajwadi Party, the Lok Jan Shakti Party, the
Awami National Conference, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the
Communist Party of India (Marxist), and many independents, are also in
the race.
As compared to 2002 assembly elections when 124 candidates were in
contest, this time a record number of 271 candidates including 11
women contestants  are trying their luck.
Ten former ministers – Abdul Aziz Zargar, Abdul Rehman Veeri, Abdul
Gaffar Sofi, G A Mir, Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed, G M Saroori, Mehboob
Beg, Sakina Itoo, Peerzada Ghulam Ahmed Shah, Mohammed Akbar Gannie –
are also seeking a re-election in the state Assembly.
State CPI (M) chief Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami is also in the fray.
The elections for the state legislature, which began Nov. 17, are
being held in seven phases through Dec. 24. On Dec. 28 the counting of
votes would take place and results would be made public.
The voting in the ongoing elections has been largely peaceful with a
higher-than-expected turnout of over 60 percent. The first phase
recorded nearly 69 per cent turnout. Second phase recorded 65 per
cent. Third phase recorded 68 per cent. Fourth and fifth phase
recorded 55 per cent and 57 per cent respectively.

In the fourth phase of a staggered seven-phase- election process, thousands of people queued up outside polling stations amid stringent security arrangements to vote in 18 constituencies across Jammu and Kashmir.
However, unlike the brisk polling in first three phases, the boycott and the anti-election demonstrations at some places in north and central Kashmir were stark and brought down the poll percentage in the 4th phase.
Officials put the recorded turnout in this phase around 56 per cent.
The massive anti-India and anti-election demonstrations were witnessed in most parts of Sopore, where only 14 per cent turnout was recorded. Sopore is the hometown of hard line Kashmiri separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani.  Geelani had asked people to keep away from polls.
Uri constituency recorded the highest turnout of 71 per cent in Kashmir.
At places like Baramulla, Tangmarg, Khan Sahib, Pattan, Chadoora, Charar-e-Sharief  and some other areas, moderate to brisk polling was reported.
People participating in the elections by and large try to de-link the elections with the insurgency going on in Kashmir and the recent aazadi movement that draw enormous people on roads demanding implementation of UN resolutions in Kashmir. The people cite their own reasons to vote. "Elections have no bearing with what is going on here. Kashmir resolution is a major issue. We participate in elections to get rid of day-to-day problems. I'm exercising my right for we need to have our own government that will address our grievances. We are trying to disqualify those who got elected in past elections by general boycott. They have victimized and exploited us. This time we have decided to oppose them," said Mohammed Amin Dar, a voter at Khan Sahib constituency in Budgam.
Like the earlier three rounds of polls for the legislative assembly an undeclared curfew was clamped in Srinagar and major towns which were not going to polls Sunday to prevent the separatist rally. The proactive coordination committee - an amalgam of trade unions, separatists, businessmen, lawyers, etc - that came into existence during the Amarnath land row and spearheading the election boycott had appealed to people to march towards the districts where polling was being held.


Unlike earlier three phases the restrictions were relaxed in the afternoon in view of the Eid festival.  
At Baramulla and Sopore police also clashed with anti-election protestors and fought pitched battles. Police also beat up journalists covering the polls in Sopore town. Two photo journalists were hospitalized.  
The elections for the state legislature, which began Nov. 17, are being held in seven phases through Dec. 24. On Dec. 28 the counting of votes would take place and results would be made public.
The voting in the ongoing elections has been largely peaceful with a higher-than-expected turnout of over 60 percent.
The first phase recorded nearly 69 per cent turnout, followed by 65 per cent and 68 per cent in the second and third phase respectively.

Soon after news about Shabnum Gani Lone's decision to contest elections came out, I went to meet her. She was off in the remote town of Kupwara to woo voters. Shabnum is daughter of slain Hurriyat leader Abdul Gani Lone. I interviewed Shabnum and later on talked to her brothers, who sounded critical to her decision. I am sorry for putting this post late. 

There was a lot of buzz inside a small room Shabnum Gani Lone occupied for public meetings in Kupwara township. Some 38 people were crowding the room. All facing towards a corner and listening patiently.

Outside it's snowing and raining. The room was devoid of any heating arrangement and looked dull because of the poor light- hampered by cloudy weather- entering the room.

In the corner Shabnum dressed elegantly sat squatted on a mattress. A folded quilt was kept behind her instead of a cushion. She had a blanket around her to warm herself. Her placement on the floor of the room made her look different from rest of the people.  It reminded me of the erstwhile tradition followed across Kashmiri villages on visiting of a guest. Now-a-days such affection is accorded only to brides and bridegrooms on the occasion of marriage ceremonies, except for cushions replace quilts.

One by one people introduced themselves to her and extended invitations to her that she was reluctant to accept. Prior to their introduction they cited their association with Shabnum's father. As she spoke, every word from her mouth was taken in affirmation by the visiting men.

"You have brought me all the way from Srinagar to this place, now why at all are you insisting that I should visit each and every place. I am here with you and hope you will manage all this," she addressed in chaste Kashmiri to all those present in the room.

Day before she had filed the nomination papers from this constituency as an independent and was all set to contest the assembly polls scheduled to be held here on November 30. Shabnum had stay put in her aunt's house. Outside on the veranda of adjacent house were few CRPF personnel and two policemen provided to guard her.

A lawyer by profession, Shabnum is daughter of slain Hurriyat leader Abdul Gani Lone. She does not find any thing unusual in her decision though it goes contrary to what her father stood for. Her choice to contest elections at a time when both her brothers- Sajad Gani Lone and Bilal Gani Lone, are asking for boycott of polls came as a surprise to everyone. However, she herself seemed little surprised over her decision and was seriously pursuing her new assignment like another case in the courts of law.

 "Look people from Kupwara constituency came to my house in the month of October and persuaded me to visit this place- my homeland and contest the elections from here. I came on their invitation and travelled across the villages. The level of poverty over here is heart breaking. You feel guilty of being who you are. I then realized they really have a point and made my mind to contest elections. I have come here to seek justice for them," said Shabnum.

Shabnum tried to woo the people more towards her personality as a lawyer than a politician. She told me that she does not want to look like a politician.

"I am not a professional politician instead a professional lawyer. My job is to seek justice in the court and I work within the system. So it really doesn't make much of a difference if I go to the assembly and tell the speaker why this job hasn't been done properly," she argued sitting amid aged men.

Besides her sat another typical village woman clad in pheran (the outer cloak in Kashmir) watching Shabnum with optimism. She had come to compliment her for visiting Kupwara. It is her first meeting with her favourite leader's daughter. The two were the only women inside the room otherwise packed by men.

Abdul Gani Lone on whose popularity Shabnum is contesting elections was a seasoned politician in the area. He got elected for state assembly four times -1967, 1972, 1977 and 1983- from this area. During his political career, he founded his own political party - Peoples Conference (PC).

 In 1987 Lone was at the forefront of Muslim United Front (MUF) - a coalition that contested 1987 elections against National Conference and lost. Lone too lost to a National Conference candidate.

This election proved to be a watershed of Kashmir politics and saw emergence of separatist leadership on the political sphere of Kashmir, demanding secession from the union of India. Lone went with the tide and came to be known for his separatist ideology. He was instrumental in the formation of All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), a conglomerate of 23 political parties in 1993.

Lone was considered to be a moderate in Hurriyat circle and fell to bullets on May 21, 2002 during a rally at Idgah grounds in Srinagar. After his killing Peoples Conference came to be headed by his two sons. While Bilal went to Hurriyat as an executive member, Sajad hold the reins of party as its Chairman.

However, the division between hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Sajad Lone over the assassination of Abdul Gani Lone kept on growing with each passing day until Geelani accused the Sajad of fielding proxy candidates in 2002 elections and demanded action against him. The acrimony resulted in the division of PC in two factions and each heading by the brothers separately.  Subsequently it also saw the division of APHC into two.

During over conversation Shabnum was recapitulating the incidents attached with her father and proudly sharing it with the visiting delegations with devotion. "How Lone Sahib dragged a landlord down from the tonga (horse cart) who didn't paid heed to his salaam? When I used to accompany Lone Sahib during his last elections, etc."The people listened to her in obedience.

Although she kept on saying that she was not a politician but she could not hide the dominant traits of a politician inside her by relating to villagers the stories of her father's valor. Was she trying to cash upon her father's name? 

Shabnum's decision to contest elections however has put the Lone brothers in embarrassing position and they are not comfortable to talk on the issue.

Back in Srinagar, I contacted Sajad  and Bilal Lone. Bilal told me that Shabnum's decision to contest elections is her own as she is a separate entity.

"Don't make it an issue. There are hundreds of people contesting the polls and let Shabnum be one of them," he said.

Interesting Sajad Lone's call for a march against elections in north Kashmir that was to begin on November 12 was foiled by government. An undeclared curfew was clamped in Handwara and Langate to thwart his move. He was placed under house arrest.

Earlier during a press briefing ahead of announcing the decision to launch aggressive poll boycott march, Sajad launched a scathing attack on those who accused him of fielding proxy candidates in 2002. Satisfied, he went on saying that he has proven his detractors wrong by advocating the boycott of elections.

Sajad told that his father was highly critical of elections and People's Conference strongly stands by that.

"Why should I be held answerable for something that my sister does? She is not associated with PC," Sajad Lone said.  

Against this, I found Shabnum's defiance not only a challenge to what her brothers propagate instead an effort on her part to claim the slain father's political legacy. Kupwara is considered as the PC bastion and the contrary opinions taken forward by the siblings in the guise of fulfilling their father's dream have divided the family.

With Shabnum pitted against her bothers the Lone family has become the latest discourse of Kashmir's murky politics. 

The air build around the first phase of elections in Kashmir on November 17 refuses to die down with remaining constituencies seem to fall in line to the new mantra- boycott separatist call. The enthusiastic voters, many among them the first-timers, waited in long queues to cast their ballots in Ganderbal and Kangan constituencies of Kashmir.

Despite   repeated calls from separatist leaders and the proactive coordination committee - an amalgam of trade unions, separatists, businessmen, lawyers, etc - that came into existence during the Amarnath land row, an impressive turnover around 65 per cent was recorded in the second phase of elections on November 23 across Jammu and Kashmir.

The participation of the people in the ongoing elections immediately after the Amarnath land row and its subsequent conversion into aazadi movement has taken everyone by surprise. Assertions and analysis of potential boycott got nullified. A debate over potential winners has already begun and poll pundits are busy in the arithmetic of seats.

So, was the aazadi movement an aberration or people’s memory is short-lived is a million dollar question.

The discourse among the intellectual circles over the issue is circumspect. “Just like land row and aazadi movement surprised New Delhi, heavy turn recorded in two phases was surprise for us,” said a Kashmir watcher. However, the opinion comes with a rider. “People should not read too much into it,” he says.

At a polling station in Ganderbal, a young women voter struggling in the queue eager to vote barked- “vote hamara haq hai, aazadi hamara nara hai (vote is our right, freedom our slogan)”to the television cameras filming them entering the polling booth guarded by vigilant paramilitary, regulating their entry inside.

People participating in the elections by and large see no similarity between the aazadi movement and casting vote in elections. They cite so many reasons justifying their participation in both the exercises. Little matters if it sounds close to unusual.

“Look I'm exercising my right and we need to have our own government that will address our day to day issues. We are trying to disqualify those who got elected in past elections by general boycott. They have perpetrated their reign of terror on us and are victimizing us. We have decided to oppose them come what may.

“As far as aazadi movement is concerned we are with it and have been part of it during the agitation days. I would be the first person to reach Lal Chowk, if and when government allows it,” said 21-year-old Ashiq Hussain Bhat of Lar waiting for his turn in the long queue. Bhat is the first-time voter.

There are so many factors that one find responsible for change in mind among the people. There is a concern for helping the relative, family friend or a neighbor get elected from a particular constituency owing to the increasing number of candidates in the fray. Then there is a fear of neglect or reprisal from the opposite camp in case he gets elected.

“There are so many problems that we had to face. We need elected representatives for the development in our constituencies for getting job packages, for acting as conduits at the time when police or paramilitary forces arrest our youth. Hurriyat people can not lend their help in such matters. They have a different agenda,” said a Ghulam Mohammed waiting at Watlar polling station. Mir is a government employee and pleaded that his surname should be kept confidential.

Contrary to it separatists see elections as an entrenchment of New Delhi's hold on Jammu and Kashmir.

"India is holding these elections under occupation, curfews, detentions and crackdowns. Whatever the poll percentage, no election under these conditions can be a legitimate exercise," Mirwaiz maintained

He has been kept under house arrest for last 10 days. More than two dozen separatist leaders including Yasin Malik, Shabeer Shah and others who called for an election boycott have been detained in recent days under public safety act (PSA). The law allows police to detain people up to two years without trial. Calls for separatist marches or protests are met by undeclared curfews in the Srinagar city and major town.

There is anger among second rung leadership and lower cadres of separatist over the poll turnover. They blame the inability of Hurriyat to tame the crowd. They have realized that the public wave was like a wild tiger, who they miserably failed to bridle. They had used to receive telephone calls from people over their decisions, if it sounded weak. “We were not able to reach out to the people in distant villages to keep the spark inside them alive. So naturally their attention got shifted towards his other needs though for a temporary period,” said a separatist leader wishing anonymity.

Analysts in the region see the participation of people as a verdict aimed at accelerating the ongoing peace process and good governance.

“If we go beyond the months of agitation, election preparations were at its peak. Political parties had been able to conduct rallies and the participation of people was recorded was considerable.. Then there was an agitation and the mood was put on hold. We witnessed similar protests in Jammu as well. But as soon as the issue was resolved Jammu rushed back to normal compared to Kashmir that took time to settle down. With the ground already prepared for elections, people queued to nominate their representatives,” said Rekha Chowdhary, a political analyst and an election expert.

Chowdhary is critical of drawing comparisons between the situation in 1990s and recent agitation and disagrees with the opposition to clampdown separatists and declaring curfew in the places other than polling constituencies.   

“This is vote for good governance and people should not see the two different situations in continuity with each other. I see clampdown more as a strategy with the government because, otherwise there is a pressure of Hurriyat on people. Is there any strategy to minimize that? We have seen people willfully using their ballot,” she adds.

But between the lines, the question over Hurriyat’s relevance in Kashmir issues needs to be pondered upon.

The elections for the state legislature started November 17 and are to be held in seven phases through December 24. On 28, the counting of votes is scheduled and results are expected.

Across the brisk polling, voices of dissent and boycott were also witnessed in Ganderbal though negligible. In Kurhama and Beehama villages a groups of angry protesters threw rocks at a polling station and clashed with police and paramilitary forces deployed in the area. The protesters chanted slogans of boycott.

Behavioural scientists too however do not see the change in perception among the Kashmiri people as something different. They don’t see the transition in the people’s mood as something unusal.

“Media nowadays has got the bad habit of connecting one issue with the other and then to something totally irrelevant, besides trying to draw conclusions. This is a human psyche and Kashmiris are not specials. The Anti-India sentiment runs deep in Kashmir and if you try to see that today’s polling negates that, then I fear you have got it wrong. Don’t see it in that contest. People have the aspirations in addition to that as well," said Tariq Ahmad Rather, a sociologist.

At Ganderbal National Conference president Omar Abdullah is in the fray along with Qazi Afzal of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Sheikh Ishfaq of Congress party. Twelve candidates are contesting from the constituency but the competition is among these three candidates. Earlier Ganderbal constituency was considered family bastion for the Abdullahs but 2002 Assembly elections proved otherwise as Omar lost to Qazi Afzal.

Nearly 69 per cent turnout was registered in the first phase of polling across 10 constituencies including Bandipore on November 17. The third phase of polling is on Nov 30. And the trend has picked up.

Now analysing the public mood in Kashmir is as complex as the Kashmir situation itself. There is nothing that explains much about the aazadi marches and the agitation over Amarnath land deal. Drawing conclusions from a particular wave and reading much into often leads to distortions. So everything has to be read in a different context. Be it people coming out in large numbers demanding cessation from the Union of India or people casting votes to choose elected representatives who swear by the constitution of India.

So many questions and no answers, it’s how Kashmir had emerged over the years.

In an effort to recognize the recent killings of civilians- in police and CRPF firing- as "sacrifices" following the agitation over transfer of land to Amarnath shrine board and subsequent "aazadi movement", the separatists in valley have announced to pay compensation to the families of victims.
A sum of Rs 25,000 would be paid to each family who had lost their member in the renewed agitation in Kashmir. The decision to provide the monetary help has come from 1990s front ranking militant turned political organization Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF).
The aim is to boost the morale of people and reach out to the families who have lost their breadwinners. JKLF had initiated the fundraising exercise in this regard prior to elections and arrest of its chairman Mohammed Yasin Malik. Mailk visited various towns and localities across valley to collect donations from people.

The announcement so far is first of its kind from any separatist organisation in the twenty- year- old insurgency of the state.

Earlier in July this year JKLF indulged in similar kind of act. It awarded the families of seven persons who got killed in police and CRPF action during June protests over land transfer. The award given out in the name of Maqbool Bhat, founder of JKLF carried Rs 50,000 in cash besides a memento. Bhat was hanged in Tihar jail on February 11, 1984. Every year a strike is observed in Kashmir on Feburary 11 to mark his death anniversary. The separatists are demanding remains of Bhat to be transferred from Tihar jail to Martyr's graveyard at Eidgah in Srinagar. Inside the graveyard, an empty grave having erected on it a black coloured rectangular stone slab engraved an epitaph over it surface has been kept reserved for Bhat.

The JKLF initiative of providing monetary support to affected families has come as a blow for state administration that is deeply perplexed whether to bring the persons killed in recent agitation under SRO-43?

SRO -43 is a government order that entitles next of the kin of any person killed in militancy related incidents in the state to an employment in government service on compassionate grounds, besides an ex-gratia  relief of  Rs 1 lakh in cash.

Recent amendment in the order now urge for one-time compensation of Rs 5 lakh to next of the kin of any person killed in militancy related incidents. The amendment was made after government failed to provide job to every family under this government order. Hundreds of the SRO-43 cases awaiting appointment in government departments on compassionate grounds are still pending at the offices of deputy commissioners across Jammu and Kashmir.

Government is yet to come up with a decision to compensate these families.

Rights groups say that in the recent uprising 59 people have got killed besides hundreds others left injured in the police and CRPF firing since June. While the newspaper reports carried out suggest that civilians were targeted to kill, police version rejects the theories saying deaths were caused mainly while containing the violent mobs.
Police officials maintain people who died in police or CRPF action were pelting rocks and stones and were resorting to violent means. However, the newspaper reports quoting eye witnesses and family accounts of the killed persons denounce the police theory.
Rights bodies and newspaper estimates that since 1990s around 70,000 people got killed in violence in Jammu and Kashmir. However, the separatists put the figure more than 100,000.  


Government's apathy in providing ex-gratia to such cases would alienate the people more than ever and would earn the acceptability of separatists to a large extent. Within JKLF, the exercise is viewed as a low key affair and devoid of any politics, however it can trigger a race among other separatist organizations to strengthen their base.  
Analysts see the JKLF's move to extend helping hand to the affected families as a check to government for their uncertainty over providing relief to the families of deceased. However, JKLF insiders deny any such reason underlying their human cause. Top government officials affirm that government in state has to rethink its policy in wake of the separatist sympathy card. The intelligence wing of police department has already sent the inputs to the government about JKLF preparations fearing that it would add up in their popularity graph and would caught government on wrong foot.

As the morning sun was about to warm up the narrow alleys of Maisuma locality in the heart of Srinagar city, news about Yasin Malik's nocturnal arrest was making rounds. Outside on the pavements are police and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel deployed in full strength. Carrying the routine automatic service rifles, these men are additionally equipped with shields, tear gas guns and lathis. The contingents are present to thwart the imminent fury - in retaliation to this particular arrest- and to contain it from spilling over to the Lal Chowk (red square), city's business centre.  
Few meters away are the youth- mostly in their teens- scattered in small groups along the mini lanes dotting the Maisuma stretch and beyond to old city. Shopkeepers who have arrived to open their shops are in a fix.
Sixteen-year-old Mudasir who has just appeared from one of the lanes is inquisitive about the situation in his neighbourhood. Suddenly he spots his friends, who readily let him know- the reason. As the crowd began to swell, a high pitched call Nar-e-taqbir (slogan of greatness) from a corner of the locality draws the response Allah –ho-Akbar (Allah is great) in unison.
The shrill alerted the police and CRPF men at the intersection of locality connecting it to Lal Chowk. As they focused their eyes down the lane, the crowd had reshaped into a procession. Raising anti- election slogans and condemning arrest of Malik, the procession started advancing towards them.
Yasin Malik, the face of defiance in Kashmir belongs to this neighbourhood. During a night raid, a police party visited his house and arrested him from there. Malik who is in forties, lives in a traditionally built mud and brick house surrounded by similar other houses in this congested locality.
Earlier during 1989, when an armed rebellion against Indian rule broke out in Kashmir, Malik then only 21-years-old was the commander of the armed group -Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). It strives for an independent Kashmir. However, in 1994 JKLF declared the unilateral ceasefire and pledged to carry on the resistance politically. Malik renounced violence and rechristened himself as a Gandhian.


Hours before the arrest Malik has kick started an election boycott campaign in north Kashmir's Bandipore district. He urged people to boycott the coming assembly elections scheduled to be held from November 17. A case was registered against Malik under section 13 of the Unlawful activities Act.
As the procession was inching closer chanting slogans, perturbed policemen pulled the metal barriers and placed it to close down the road. Behind them the two policemen with tear gas guns took the position. In a premptive measure, the duo fired couple of shells to disperse the procession. Thereafter, policemen flailing batons rushed towards the procession. Their headway caused a tizzy in the street. It forced the participants to break apart and run for their lives in the labyrinth of locality. The proactive policemen roughed up all those who came their way.
Several meters down the lane, the dispersed youth emanating from labyrinth started regrouping. This time the anger is palpable.
Mudasir and his group mates lit a bonfire of use tyres. The inferno sent columns of black smoke up in the air that was already filled with tear smoke. At once Mudasir came and started trampling the ground with his feet shouting "Ragda Ragda!" His friends joined in and they started dancing in circular movements replying "Bharat Ragda! (India! Rub it out!)". Such slogans were rampant during the agitation that brought thousands of people on roads demanding plebiscite in Kashmir two months before.
The CRPF men watched the youth dancing from a distance in disdain. Infuriated they ran again to chase Mudasir's group and douse the bonfire. Compared to earlier progression, the CRPF men met a stiff resistance. Mudasir sporting trendy jeans and T-shirt picked up a brick and hurled it at the contingent. His friends provided him the reinforcement. The CRPF movement was impeded and the protesters made the contingent to return back.
By now a full-fledged pitched battle had started. A stone by the youth is reciprocated by a stone from policemen. Heavy pelting goads tear smoke fire and sometimes bullets. The youth occasionally shout slogans, "No election, No selection, we want Kashmir resolution."   


This is the situation in valley around a time elections for legislative assembly are about to start. The elections are scheduled to begin on November 17, and would end by December 24. Counting of votes would take place on December 28 and a new government is expected to assume the office thereafter.  
The decision to hold elections in the state came from Election commission of India. Though all the mainstream political parties had favoured delay in elections, the decision however draws no criticism from political parties. Only the people and separatists decry that elections are "irrelevant and futile".
"I have no faith in elections. The huge rallies two months before should have acted as an eye opener for New Delhi to make efforts for permanent settlement of Kashmir. The people's movement has frustrated the power corridors in New Delhi. It's giving tough time to troops and para-military forces as well for they are not trained to deal with peaceful protests. Earlier they were saying we are fighting militants in Kashmir but now unarmed civilians have posed a threat to them. Is an election a resolution to all this?" said a Srinagar resident dismayed over the announcement of polls in Jammu and Kashmir.
A few blocks away from Maisuma, is the Pradesh Congress Committee party office on the Moulan Azad road. CRPF men stand guard inside piled up sandbagged bunkers at the gate and around the building.
A policeman on gate reads out news items from an Urdu daily loudly to his companion - a woman constable dressed in pheren ( a traditional cloak). Both of them have been kept to frisk the people entering the office.
"These days none comes here. Compared to 2002 elections this time people seem not to be interested in voting. The recent agitation played the spoilsport. Now even leaders have apprehensions that people would not get attracted towards their rallies. So far not a single rally has been conducted by Congress party. Neither here nor outside," said the policemen on duty. As I walk past him, he is back to his business.  


Inside the premises lay coils of concertina wire to impede any movement into the building that is decrepit brick and wood house. On the other side of concertina, CRPF men are basking in the autumn sun cracking jokes.
Ground floor of the building is occupied by CRPF men and first floor serves as the office for Congress party. President's office remains locked. A handful of office bearers too have come outside to enjoy the warmth of the sun. The discussion is on giving out party mandates. The present president, who ironically is a Union minister, has only visited this office once, I was told.
"You know how the situation got deteriorated. We are hopeful that people would realize the importance of elections and would come out to vote. We too are keeping an eye on the developments. It would be difficult for everyone to hold election rally but still we would urge our workers to come out," said Ghulam Mohammed Sheikh, a congress leader. Sheikh has unsuccessfully contested two elections from Srinagar's Batmaloo constituency for Congress party, he informs.
"During the 2002 elections out of 1,25,000 votes in Batmaloo constituency, only 4005 were polled. So what does that mean? Elections would take place and candidates would get elected. Poll boycott holds no relevance. You know we are left with little time for elections. The priority would be given to finalization of mandates and thereafter manifesto and publicity material would be distributed," Sheikh explains it to me.
The party has not devised its election manifesto or framed slogans to woo the voters.
In its coalition rule Congress party had to face some embracing moments with its leaders figuring in Kashmir sex scandal. Its previous president had to tender a resignation following graft charges on him levelled by a fellow legislator on the floor of the house. Party sources reveal that both the leaders with tainted image are expected to get the mandate from their respective constituencies.


The state's major political party National Conference (NC) dared to kick off its first election campaign from Budgam amid tight security arrangement. Its president Omar Abdullah in order to woo the voters tried to de-link the election process from the resolution of Kashmir dispute. He stated that elections would not have any effect on Kashmir issue.
"Whether people participate in elections or not, it will not affect resolution of Kashmir issue," he said to his workers at the venue restricted for NC workers. Except NC workers none was allowed to participate in the function.  Strict instructions were given to the security personnel not to allow anyone without the pass. The party brass fears that in absence of adequate security, possibility to face the public reprisal can spoil the show.
Omar usually launch scathing attack on the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) and the Congress for 'failing' to provide basic amenities to the people.
At the National Conference party headquarter, Naw-i-subh, again a highly guarded building, the office wears a deserted look these days. The office is devoid of any rush of workers or the leaders seeking mandate.
"Our leaders are out in the field. Look boycott won't serve a purpose. Government would be chosen even if only five per cent of polling is recorded," said an office bearer at NC headquarter, sharing a view quite similar to their patron Farooq Abdullah.
As per the schedule, voting for the 87-member House will take place on November 17, 23, 30 and December 7, 13, 17 and 24. Regions expected to experience inclement weather conditions during winter are covered in the first two phases. Srinagar and Jammu will go to polls on December 24.
PDP's party office guarded by CRPF personnel by and large remains abandoned. Neither leaders nor its party workers visit it. The party president Mehbooba Mufti prefers briefing the press at her official residence instead at the party headquarters. Initially there were rumours that party is debating the boycotting the coming assembly polls. However, the unveiling of "self- rule" document by the father-daughter duo dispelled all such notions. The party is yet to announce its party nominations for the assembly constituencies.


The common sentiment on the road negates all the notions about people's participation in the coming polls. The sentiment gets affirmed every time there is a strike call or a march to some fixed venue. Strike calls attract heavy troop deployment and marches are dealt by imposing curfew across the valley.
The process instills alienation among the masses. It deepens with the arrest of separatist leaders around this critical juncture. So far many separatist leaders have been arrested in run up to the elections. The state police chief had announced that state would take action against those who would take part in poll boycott campaign. Its clampdown has restricted the intensity of protests and people's ready participation. But that is temporary.
So an election for a common man in valley is the handiwork of New Delhi to impose its rule on Jammu and Kashmir. If NC wins, it's New Delhi victory. If PDP wins, it's New Delhi success. If Congress or BJP wins, again it is New Delhi 's triumph. In short in no way would assembly elections be taken as a people's verdict in Kashmir.  

The recent protests in valley over land row that culminated in a full- blown secessionist exercise caught state administration as well as power corridors in New Delhi on wrong foot. With mainstream politicians watching the situation going to a point of no return, the separatist leadership got ample time to read the pulse of masses swelling on roads day in and day out.

Police action that resulted in killing of several people failed to subdue the people. The worst happened on the eve of Muzaffarabad Chalo on August 11, when fruit growers had decided to traverse the LoC to sell their stranded fruit. The call was supported by Hurriyat leaders and infact a huge procession led by two of them- Shabir  Shah and Sheikh Aziz proved to be the watershed for sequel of events  to keep the tempers alive. During the march to LoC, killing of Sheikh Aziz led credence to the Hurriyat leadership, who until then were riding a wild tiger (leaderless mob).

Across the valley Aziz emerged as a new martyr for the cause. People defied the restrictions imposed by the police and CRPF personnel and swelled on the roads leading to martyrs graveyard, where Aziz was laid to rest. Undeterred by the killings the sea of people marching the roads rendered police irrelevant to a large extent. In the afternoon police stations across valley were locked from outside by the policemen themselves, thus giving an impression of restraint read surrender.

From here separatists made people to rally behind them. First it was Pampore Chalo, followed by march to United Nations office Srinagar and thereafter to Idgah grounds. The response was tremendous both across rural as well as urban Kashmir. Equally it was perturbing the mandarins in Home Ministry, who eventually decided to heavily clampdown on the people by imposing ten day long curfew. Additional reinforcements of CRPF were procured.  The men in uniform arrested top Hurriyat leaders including Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar farooq and Yasin Mailk ahead of their Lal Chowk march on August 25.

 Though it released them ahead of holy month of Ramadhan (Muslim fasting month), it booked the second rung leadership of Hurriyat like Shabir Shah, Masrat Aalam, Ashraf Sehrai, Asaiya Andrabi and several others spearheading the agitation under Public Safety Act (PSA) to thwart further marches.

However, people see the charges given to the arrested as an act of retribution on part of state. Interestingly, one of the grounds cited for detaining Shabir Shah is quite contrary to the one cited in Masarat Aalam’s detention order. Aalam is the right hand man of Syed Ali Shah Geelani.

While Shah has been arrested for unifying two Hurriyats, Aalam seems to have been booked for widening the gap between them. Going in to the details of grounds of detention of these two persons, one come face to face with ambiguity state is relying on to deal with the crisis Kashmir presently is in.

Ironically in the prime ground of detention under Public Safety Act against Shabir Shah, the district magistrate Srinagar has stated that Shah emerged as leading voice in “secessionist circles” and played a vital role in the unification of the two factions of Hurriyat conference led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Syed Ali Shah Geelani. The grounds say, “You got affiliated with APHC (M) but at the same time maintained your close contact with Syed Ali Shah Geelani as well.”

For this year’s June agitation against the diversion of the land to SASB, the state has held Shah along with other associates directly responsible for instigating the general public to resort to unlawful activities.

 “After the cancellation of the order regarding the land transfer people were satisfied and started normal activities but you along with your other secessionist associates exploited the situation and instigated the general public to agitate in support of the so called Azadi of Jammu and Kashmir State from union of India,” the detention grounds say.

 The grounds also accuse Shah of chalking out a programme uniting “all secessionists under one umbrella and organising big rallies including Muzaffarabad Chalo, Pampore Chalo, Eidgah Chalo.”

“It is pertinent to mention that you yourself led Muzaffarabad Chalo from Sopore and instigated the general public to cross the LoC. At your instance the public resorted to violence resulting large-scale loss of human life and property. During these unlawful assemblies you delivered highly objectionable and inflammatory speeches exhorting people to join the secessionist movement and resort to unlawful activities which public did,” the grounds of detention say, stressing upon the necessity to detain Shah under PSA. 

The detention order passed by the District Magistrate Srinagar against Shah further mentions that all militant outfits of which some have political affiliations have got merged with the APHC. “The main aim and objective of the APHC is to assist and support militant organizations in liberating the State of Jammu and Kashmir from union of India by waging war through the armed organizations including HM, Al-Bader, Al-Jehad, AL-Umer, LeT etc,” the District Magistrate in his detention order to Shah has stated.

Grounds of detention of Masrat Aalam give a somewhat detailed background of Aalam as a separatist activist right from his crossing over to other side of LoC for arms training in 1990 and his subsequent arrests in the aftermath and release until May 2008.

The fresh accusation in the detention order to Aalam is that he has threatened “the moderate political activists” and labeled them as “traitors”, besides criticizing the role of state administration and his pledge to start a poll boycott agitation. The detention order accused him of making this statement during his press briefing on June 5 this year without going in to further details.

The other grounds in the detention order of Aalam include his instigation to people to resort to stone pelting and participate in anti-national protests in valley.

The press conference mentioned in detention order was Aalam’s maiden press briefing after his release from year long confinement in jail. During the briefing he urged Sheikh Aziz and Shabir Shah to quit Mirwaiz led Hurriyat and join Syed Ali Shah Geelani led Hurriyat for carrying forward the “freedom movement”.  Aalam described the association of Sheikh Aziz and Shabir Shah with Mirwaiz led Hurriyat as “detrimental for the movement”.

Both the detention orders have been challenged in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court, Srinagar.

Soonafter, after Masrat Aalam’s arrest, a newspaper report in a national daily (The Hindu) quoting the top police sources said that Aalam was lobbying militants to intimidate their moderate counterparts. The report attributed its claim to the excerpts of a wire tapped phone conversation between Masrat Alam Bhat and Hizb ul-Mujahideen’s Pakistan-based chief on the August 21.

Aalam according to the newspaper report was trying to impress upon the militant leader that efforts to accelerate the pace of anti-India mass mobilisation were being sabotaged by a group of spoilers seeking dialogue with the Union government.

The sentiment on the road is brewing and talking to common man on the street brings one closer to the alienation the state’s acts are causing. Even during the Friday congregations the demand for seeking release of these people ahead of Id-ul-fitir (Id festival) came from the pulpits of mosques. The priests are firing the salvos on state administration and cautioning it of the consequences. If it is an indication, Kashmir is heading for further tumult in the month to come.  

Post Id festival on Octiober 6, Hurriyat Conference Coordination Committee has called for Lal Chowk Chalo programme. The authorities had thwarted their earlier move at Lal Chowk. Hurriyat shelved the programme for the month of Ramadhan and kept the fuse alight by observing Friday protests and weekend strikes during the month.       

However, state is of the view that arrest of main leaders would render people shattered. It still believes in policy of clampdown. It appears that during the month of Ramadhan when there was a relative calm, the state has failed to open up the diplomatic channels with separatist leadership to phase out a strategy.

The officials continue with its agenda of clampdown and Of late Yasin Mailk, Nayeen Khan, Ghulam Nabi Sumji and several others have been booked under PSA. Is this a democratic move?

I was born in the town of Bijbehara in Kashmir, a town that witnessed something bigger than its size in the year 1993. 43 people were killed and nearly 150 injured here when Indian paramilitary troopers fired upon the unarmed civilians from point blank range. The residents who had gathered after culmination of Friday prayers were marching to protest the military siege of Hazratbal mosque in Srinagar, the capital of of Jammu and Kashmir.

Hazratbal Mosque houses the holy relic of Prophet Muhammed and some militants were holed up there. The imminent fear of desecration of holy place made people to come on roads. People were demanding lifting of siege of the Mosque. 

At the time of incident I was 14 years old. I along with my father was among the hundreds in procession but somehow managed to return home unhurt. Miracle it was. Couple of my neighbours were not that much lucky and got killed.

Even today I remember the procession moving through narrow alleys of township amid chanting slogans seeking lifting of siege. The scenes of people driving dead bodies in handcarts and women beating their chests and pulling their hair alongside blood soaked dead bodies are still fresh in my mind.

Since the anti Indian sentiment was high, the people here used to be very defiant. Prior to this incident, situation here often used to turn volatile and clashes with police were almost a routine. Young generation of my age then used to boast about giving tough time to the Indian policemen.

However, soon after this particular incident, I found people of township completely shattered. A complete change was felt in their typical mindset. The use of brutal force and death of near ones’ experienced by the inhabitants left an indelible part on their memory.

October 22 this year marks the fifteenth anniversary of the Bijbehara massacre. Exactly eleven years before on Friday history was scribbled here when the spray of bullets pierced the bodies and soaked the streets of this town with the blood of innocent civilians. The township is unable to forget the incident.

Ironically the accused were left unbooked.

The inhabitants of town compared the incident with the Jalianawalla Bagh tragedy, when General Dyer an English officer opened fire on people in Amritsar.

Down the memory lane, on October 22 1993, the continuous siege laid by the troops around the holy shrine at Hazratbal, with militants holed up inside it entered the eighth day. Concerned over the sanctity of the mosque over the prolonging stand off between militants and the troops, anger was brewing among the populace over government’s failure to end up the siege of the religious place.

Faith drew all people irrespective of the age on roads for a peaceful procession after offering the Friday congregational prayers at Jamia (grand) Mosque.

As the procession of about 2000-3000 people reached the main road (Srinagar-Jammu highway), the Border Security (BSF) personnel of 74 battalion allowed the procession to move on.

t once BSF men along the road opened fire indiscriminately on the people with out any incitement. The indiscriminate firing resulted in the killing of 43 people and injuries to more than one hundred.

Although the inquiry report prepared by the Inquiry Magistrate Bijbehara Firing case on October 22, 1993 submitted to the government on 13:11:1993, vide no. EM/BFC/93/23-24 clearly reads as, “the BSF personnel have committed an offence out of vengeance and their barbarous act is deliberated and well planed”.

Further the report recommended that the dismissal of the accused should be followed up with the initiation of criminal proceedings against them as every effort should be made to ensure that justice should be done and maximum possible punishment under the law of the land is awarded to such malignant and sick minded individuals.

However such recommendations could not help the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to deliver on the Bijbehara Massacre after Home and Defence ministries refused it the access to relevant case files of the court martial, in which all the BSF personnel accused for the massacre were acquitted.  

Even after taking the matter to Supreme Court, the Indian government’s refusal on the ground that records could not be made available for reasons of national security. NHRC withdrew the case from Supreme Court in September 2000 without ensuring justice to the people who lost their kiths and kins in the incident.

So finally trade across LoC has kick resumed! I won’t go into the jubilations or the rhetoric over this important development. For that you can scan the news websites. But let me put something important first.

The trade across line- of- control (LoC) between divided Jammu and Kashmir resumed after a gap of 61 years. October 21, 2008 will go into history books as the day that saw trucks laden with goods from both sides traversing the de facto border.

The two points fixed as entry points for trade include Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakote roads across the Line of Control.

The trade across LoC is being promoted as the major confidence building measure (CBM) vis-a-vis Kashmir after the trans LoC bus service. But the goodwill generated through this step should be used by India and Pakistan to break the ice further rather than allowing it to run into rough weather.

Ahead of this restrictions were extended to head of the Kashmir's premier trade body- Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industries (KCCI). Regional passport office in Srinagar started proceedings for impounding the passport of president of KCCI, Mubeen Shah. Shah was served a show cause to explain his position by the passport officer.

Passport officials are learnt to have initiated proceedings for impounding passport of Shah on the directions of state police. Its intelligence wing has necessitated action against Shah citing some "adverse report" about his alleged separatist activities.

Restrictions against Shah have come at a critical juncture. Week after on October 9, trade body from Pakistan administered Kashmir was on its visit to Jammu and Kashmir for interactions and exchange of views aimed at strengthening the trade ties between two parts.

The gesture is to be followed by a similar trade delegation from this side of Jammu and Kashmir and Mubeen Shah is to head the delegation. Trade bodies are condemning the action against Shah and term it as "retribution" by state to demoralize the traders.

Trade bodies are yet to come clear with their agenda on whether they would undertake the journey in absence of Shah's leadership. In the newly formed Economic Forum, a conglomerate of trade bodies of Kashmir, the issue pertaining to restrictions on Shah would be discussed threadbare.

Mubeen Shah described allegations against him as “vague and manufactured”. Though Shah himself says that he does not require a passport for travelling to Pakistan administered Kashmir.

However, prerequisite for obtaining even the travel permit is of course the clearance from the police department.

Trade across LoC until summer this year was a slogan oft repeated by mainstream political party-Peoples Democratic Party- led by Mufti Mohammed Sayeed.  However, the demand picked up in Kashmir after right wing activists imposed an economic blockade on Kashmir in Jammu region, disrupting supplies to valley in wake of controversy over transfer of land to Amaranth Shrine board. The blockade caused shortage of essential supplies and drugs in valley.

Relations between the India and Pakistan have improved since a peace process began in 2004, but have faltered recently. India has accused Pakistan of involvement in more than a dozen bombings in India over the past three years. The latest being the July bombing of New Delhi's embassy in Afghanistan. Pakistan has denied the accusations.

In the recent past the two sides have also blamed each other for a surge in shootings across the heavily fortified Line of Control.

Currently only a passenger bus service plies twice a month across the LoC.

Grapevine has it that LoC has been opened in response to the Muzaffarabad call mooted by fruit growers, joined by separatists attracting masses enroute destination. Although it could not materialize but it aroused the passions of the people and raised tempers.  Political analysts however, believe that the decision has nothing to do with the uprising going on or the demand for alternative road that picked up across valley of late. 

Sanity should prevail upon the authorities to save this exercise from running into rough weather.

The squabble between India and Pakistan over the patent of Kashmir Pashmina has finally gone in to the kitty of India. The Geographical Indication (GI) registry in Chennai has awarded the GI status to Kashmir Pashmina and Kanni shawl in favour of Srinagar based artisan body Tahafuz after setting aside the objections made by Pakistan's Rawalpindi Chamber of Commerce and Industry on the grounds that Pashmina shawls are also woven in Pakistan's Gilgit Baltistan region as well. The trade body in its plea had argued that India alone cannot claim the Pashmina trademark in the international market.

However, the GI status for two Kashmiri products has come after registry has got convinced of their Kashmiri origin and the immensely popular traditional handlooms and handmade process involved into their making.

From now onwards Kashmiri Pashmina and Kanni shawls will now have their own distinctive logos on labels that can differentiate them from the fakes selling in its name in the market. The Kashmiri Pashmina and Kanni GI would be registered in Clauses 23 (yarns and thread for textile use) and 24 (textiles and textiles goods, not included in the category of bed, table covers and clothing).

Pashmina is a woollen cloth made from hairs of fleece of the Himalayan mountain goat, Capra  Haircus often referred to as the "Pashmina goat"and Kanni shawls are made of Pashmina woven on wooden spokes called tujis in local parlance.

The efforts to get patent for Kashmir Pashmina was spearheaded by Craft Development Institute, through a society of artisans involved in the making of diverse Kashmiri handicrafts. Similar initiatives were made by Kashmir Handmade Pashmina Promotion Trust (KHPPT) and Wildlife Trust of India (WTI).

Initially there was some confrontation between the two groups fighting for the same cause, however the matter was resolved by the central government's intervention and an agreement was reached between KHPPT and Tahafuz. As per the agreement signed among the four parties, all KHPPT members will become members of Tahafuz to look after intellectual property rights and issues related to Kashmir Pashmina.

The KHPPT is a body of former shahtoosh and pashmina workers, which came into existence at the behest of WTI and International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW) to promote traditional Kashmir handmade Pashmina.

CDI was established in Srinagar in 2003 as part of the Prime Minister's development package for the state to promote arts and craft in the region. It receives support from the textiles ministry and Jammu and Kashmir's Directorate of Handicrafts.

Granting of GI status to Kashmir Pashmina and Kanni shawls is expected to empower the artisans involved in the trade and raise their standard. The news regarding GI status has been received with eagerness by the artisans.

"This is an achievement for Kashmiri artisans in real sense. The GI status has given genuineness to our products. Now machine made products from outside can't be sold under the name of Kashmir Pashmina. Earlier there was no label to differentiate between the two.

Now our products will bear a definite logo.  Now we can command the prices. Even buyers too won't get confused in the grey matter that otherwise was flooded with fakes from Amritsar. This would automatically raise our standard and earn us the appreciation," said Ali Mohammed Najar . Najar is president of Tahafuz.

Since markets were usually flooded with machine made cheap products and fakes, the original Kashmir Pashmina shawls were less in demand. The imitation had badly affected the shawl weavers whose earnings were often getting reduced. Contrary to the high prices that Pashmina shawls usually fetch, it has been found that earnings of a weaver or spinner do not go beyond Rs 75 a day. 

According to Tahafuz only 50,000 pieces of Kashmir Pashmina shawls are weaved per year in Kashmir.

While a plain Pashmina shawl cost can cost Rs 5000, an embroidered Pashmina shawl can cost Rs 1 lakh, a Jammavar shawl which takes months to make can cost up to Rs 3 to Rs 5 lakh.

The GI status brings the Kashmiri products in the same league as Scotch, Darjeeling Tea, Alphanso Mango, EI leather , Alleppy Green Cardamom  and Champagne. Now the implementation of tag is a big challenge for the officials as well as government.

"Now we are in the process to work out a mechanism wherein we are going to look into how to implement this certification mechanism. It is an unorganised industry — spread over large areas comprising traders and weavers. We have to find a method which is both practical and simple," said Muhammad Shariq Farooqi, director, Crafts Development Institute.

The application for getting GI for Kashmir Pashmina, Kani shawls and Sozni - a fine needle embroidery dating back to the 17th century was submitted by Tahafuz in March 2006.

"I can not comment on why Pakistan's objections have been rejected. As far as I understand Pakistan has not filed the objection within the stipulated time. Our claim has been found genuine after an expert team visited valley to cross check it," Farooqi says.

With GI status conferred to Kashmir, now no one in the world can sell their products in the name of Kashmir Pashmina. So Pakistan has to sell its Pashmina products in the name other than Kashmir Pashmina.

Tahafuz has also applied for GI status for 10 more products, including papier mache, walnut wood carvings, Kashmiri silk carpets, Amblikar shawls, Namda or Kashmiri rugs, Katamband (wood ceilings) and Pinjrakari (latticed wood carvings).

"Now we look forward for GI to Sozani after that many more patents will follow soon," satisfied Najar informs.